Just recently, the chancellor, Rachel Reeves, delivered a Labour Party budget. The public have been asking for Labour’s mission and values to be more clearly expressed. By way of the choices made – a transition to a fairer tax system, targeting wealth to fund addressing child poverty, quality public services and the living expenses – we have unequivocally demonstrated what we stand for.
This is why Labour MPs applauded in the Commons, and it’s why we are up for the fights to come. And it’s why the cries from the right began immediately.
The primary dividing line in British politics is once again on the economy. On the one side Labour, who want to reform it so it benefits everyday working people, and on the opposite side, our opponents, who favor the current system and the failed doctrine of the past. We must now take on, and win, the debate.
The Tories were given 14 years to resolve things and in reality, by any measure, they got far more dire. Their doctrinaire austerity and supply-side economics – tax breaks for the wealthy, cutting off investment (causing us with poor productivity and wages), and failing to support young people post-Covid – proved ineffective.
Living standards dropped by the biggest amount since records began, child poverty hit record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest on record, wages remained flat, a housing crisis became entrenched, young people affected by Covid were abandoned. The history of failure goes on.
A single budget alone can’t fix everything, so Labour has a long-term plan for rebuilding and for rewiring the country. And we have to go out and continue making the case for why our approach will reap dividends.
Under the Tories, welfare spending significantly increased. As did child poverty, because they failed to tackle the underlying issues: low pay, high housing costs, deep inequalities in education, health and regions. The state ends up paying more to deal with the symptoms instead of the cure.
It’s why we are building more affordable homes than for a generation, raising wages and new rights for workers, greatly increasing investment in infrastructure and new industries, reducing waiting lists down and bringing down the costs of childcare and energy as we drive for clean power.
It’s also why we are completely justified to use this budget to lift the two-child benefit cap.
For almost a decade, since it was enacted, poorer families with children have suffered from a unjust social experiment that was branded as fair for working people when it was anything but. Most of the families impacted by it have a parent in work.
It has only served to push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, ultimately, costs us more, as well as being heartless and unethical.
I know from my own constituency – where over 5,000 children will be raised out of poverty as a result of abolishing the cap – the real impact it’s had. Children wearing £1 wellies as school shoes, children going to bed hungry and cold, living in overcrowded, mouldy homes, parents this Christmas depending on food banks for a modest meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already overburdened but have to redirect time and resources to supporting children who are living with the results of severe deprivation.
Just one in four pupils from the most disadvantaged families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with almost 75% among affluent families. This sets them up for the disadvantages they face during their lives: missed potential, economic struggles and poor health. Children who grew up in poverty are more likely to be unemployed or poor as adults.
Addressing child poverty isn’t just a moral imperative, it is a future-oriented strategy. Poverty costs the economy significantly more than the £3bn cost of lifting the two-child cap, or extending free school meals.
That’s why we acted promptly in the budget, despite the challenging economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees more than 100 extra children pushed into poverty. The effects of lifting it won’t happen overnight either, so acting early in the parliament was vital.
The cap was a totem to 14 years of failed conservative ideology. Now it is abolished.
We, as Labour, can also be explicit that these measures are being paid for in a fair way – from a new gaming tax, eliminating tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Equity and direction – that’s how we will succeed in the battle of ideas. This budget is a clear statement that we won the election as Labour, and will lead as Labour. As I consistently said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must seize back the political platform and define the narrative more forcefully about what’s truly flawed with the country and how we are repairing it. We’ve definitely done that this week.
So let’s keep hold of it and prevail in this struggle about how we will renew Britain and tackle the deep inequalities holding us back.